Hungary’s New Premier Marks End of Orban Era

On May 9, 2026, the Hungarian Parliament hosts the inauguration of Peter Magyar as prime minister, formally closing a 16-year chapter of Viktor Orban and his Fidesz party. The ceremony follows a decisive electoral defeat on April 12, where Magyar secured 53% of the vote, but the dramatic shifts in the days before the swearing-in have captivated the nation even more than the election itself.

The scene that stunned Hungarians unfolded on Monday, May 4. Gyula Balasy, head of Hungary’s largest media conglomerate and Orban’s key figure in communications, appeared in a live broadcast on the site “Kontroll” with tearful eyes and a broken expression, declaring his readiness to “donate all his companies to the state.” Known for his arrogance, passion for luxury cars, and giant billboards that defamed Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and opponents, Balasy now faces a police investigation. On May 5, authorities confirmed the “freezing of accounts and seizure of funds” linked to his companies as part of a money-laundering probe.

The numbers tied to Balasy are staggering: roughly 100 billion Hungarian forints, equivalent to 280 million euros in accumulated dividends, amassed through companies that held a monopoly on advertising for Hungarian public services. According to French newspaper *Le Monde*, in 2024 he secretly invested in acquiring the European channel Euronews. He now claims he has “no reason to leave Hungary,” while rumors circulate about others fleeing.

Even more striking events unfolded on April 22. The public prosecutor’s office, historically under executive control, suddenly announced the arrest of two individuals close to Orban’s younger brother as part of an investigation into forged visas. The next day, the Consumer Protection Authority launched a probe into “irregular mining” involving a company owned by another of Orban’s brothers and their mother. On April 23, the Ministry of Culture published a full list of beneficiaries from a secretly managed cultural support fund, revealing names of singers who participated in party campaigns and a friend of Orban’s eldest daughter, Rachel Orban, whose theater project alone received over 800,000 euros.

Institutions Scramble to Prove Neutrality

Analysts describe the current dynamic as “institutions saving themselves.” Bodies that once capitulated to Orban are now striving to demonstrate their impartiality, fearing accountability. Magyar has given Hungarian President Tamas Sulyok until May 31 to resign, issuing the same ultimatum to leaders of the public prosecutor’s office, the Constitutional Court, and the Media Council. Should they refuse, Magyar commands a parliamentary majority exceeding two-thirds of seats, enough to remove them.

Researcher Agnes Urban of the media watchdog Mertek Media Monitor highlights a telling moment: Magyar’s interview on state television. Anchors who had relentlessly attacked him for 18 months were forced to host him in a segment that Hungarians have all committed to memory, met with unprecedented tension. She notes that these private channels close to Orban “were entirely dependent on state funding and cannot survive in a normal market.” TV2, the main private channel owned by Orban’s son-in-law and Hungary’s richest man, Lőrinc Mészáros, halted its infotainment program “Tény.” Urban added that “many Fidesz voters suddenly realized they had been deceived by the media—this is a kind of awakening.”

The picture is not without questions. Magyar had to backtrack after considering appointing his own son-in-law as justice minister, a move that recalls fears of “revised nepotism.” Urban warns that “real institutional reforms take a long time,” pointing out that European regulations designed to prevent abuses like those of the former prime minister also prohibit hasty dismissals in public media. According to a poll by the Median institute, 65% of Hungarians want Orban prosecuted, but the man leading Fidesz remains largely silent.