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Friday, 14 August 2026dailybeirut.com
World
At least twelve Malian soldiers died when Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin overran a military base in San, central Mali, amid escalating militant operations targeting army installations and supply routes.
A new deadly assault struck a Malian military installation in San, central Mali, as part of an intensifying strategy by armed groups to exhaust the national army.
The attack triggered the flight of dozens of soldiers and left multiple bodies inside the combat zone, according to widely circulated videos on social media platforms.
Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin — an al-Qaeda-affiliated group — carried out the assault on the army base in San.
Local reports indicated that an unidentified armed group attempted to infiltrate the military compound before being repelled by on-duty units.
The General Staff described the ground forces’ response as “firm” and confirmed the “thwarting of the attempt.”
Authorities withheld casualty figures, but Radio France Internationale reported that at least twelve Malian soldiers were killed, with the fate of numerous others remaining unconfirmed as of Sunday evening.
San lies along the key transport corridor linking Bamako and Mopti and holds a pivotal position within the security architecture of central Mali.
The area has previously been targeted by ambushes against military convoys, underscoring persistent pressure on this logistical artery.
This incident forms part of a broader wave of operations announced by the General Staff in early August, including the “Djoukoulouko” offensive launched in late July against militant logistics networks in northern Mali.
Militant groups have expanded their campaign across recent months — from north to center and south — focusing on bases, convoys, and supply lines.
Nearly one year after the economic blockade began in September last year, the ruling council led by Assimi Goïta continues to rely on a military solution.
Both militant groups and the Azawad Liberation Front are leveraging combined military pressure, economic isolation of Bamako, and regional diplomatic maneuvering.
Goïta rejects negotiations and depends on external reinforcements, while his adversaries prepare for a new phase following the 25 April attack targeting the ruling council’s core in Kati and Bamako.
Goïta now faces a dispersed defense posture across multiple fronts — notably Gao, the final line of Malian and Russian presence in the north, which hosts an air and logistics base connecting Bamako to Azawad regions.
That base enables troop support in Ansongo, Menaka, and Timbuktu, according to an investigation published by Africa Intelligence.
Should Gao fall or be besieged, the Malian army and the African Legion would lose capacity to advance northward, isolate forces deployed outside major urban centers, and effectively cede vast areas of Azawad to zones beyond Bamako’s control — paving the way for intensified military and political pressure on central Mali.
For this reason, fighting in Ansongo and attacks on convoys between Gao and Timbuktu are viewed as efforts to dismantle the city’s outer perimeter ahead of a direct assault.
Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin bears the heaviest military burden — severing supply routes and pressuring Bamako — while the Azawad Liberation Front provides local cover, a political front, and regional ties.
Yet this alliance rests more on a shared enemy than a unified project: the Azawad Liberation Front seeks restoration of Azawad and a political settlement, whereas Iyad Ag Ghali’s extremist group aims to expand its influence and establish a caliphate.
Despite battlefield losses, Bamako retains air power, drones, and external supply lines; meanwhile, its opponents have demonstrated ability to open simultaneous fronts and threaten fuel and arms supply routes, observers note.
