Between Hezbollah, Iran, and Peace: Ortsgaus Reveals Her Vision for the Future of Israeli-Lebanese Relations

Morgan Ortsgaus describes the situation between Israel and Lebanon in simple terms: "We are in the middle of the road."

American diplomacy uses a sports analogy to explain its inability to set a deadline for reaching a final agreement, saying: "This is not a soccer match. I don't know when we will score a goal and raise the ball into the end zone."

For Ortsgaus, who assumed the role of the U.S. administration's chief envoy for Israeli-Lebanese relations in 2025, the possibility of achieving peace between Jerusalem and Beirut represents one of the most significant and fragile opportunities in the region in decades.

She believes this opening emerged after the severe weakening of "Hezbollah," along with shifts in the balance of power between Israel, Lebanon, and Iran.

Ortsgaus stresses that this initiative, unlike many diplomatic efforts in the Middle East, did not originate in Washington but began with Lebanese people who told her they wanted peace.

She tells the magazine: "The start came from the Lebanese people who said to me: We must seek peace. It’s now or never."

Ortsgaus also served as a senior political advisor at the U.S. mission to the United Nations, spending recent years at the intersection of American diplomacy, Middle Eastern politics, and the Trump administration’s approach to the region.

During Trump’s first term, Ortsgaus—then the State Department spokesperson—was part of a small team around then-Secretary of State Mike Pompeo and special envoy Jared Kushner, working on the initiative that later became the "Abraham Accords."

The team operated behind the scenes, without guarantees that their efforts would succeed. Ortsgaus says: "We knew this was something that could endure, and we hoped, for generations, that this would be a new era for Israel."

When Trump returned to the White House in 2025, the ambition remained, but the Middle East had changed.

Ortsgaus says: "October 7th was the backdrop. Things have fundamentally changed for both Israel and America since the Abraham Accords."

Lebanon Facing an Intractable Problem

The new American administration entered the White House facing multiple wars and crises. Gaza dominated the headlines, Iran remained at the heart of regional strategy, while Lebanon once again posed an intractable challenge for Washington.

But Ortsgaus says she saw an opportunity others may have overlooked.

The shift, in her view, began with the major weakening of "Hezbollah" in September 2024.

For decades, the group was considered one of the world’s strongest non-state armed entities, deeply embedded in Lebanon’s political system and backed by Iran. Then Israel targeted its leadership and military infrastructure.

During Trump’s first administration, Ortsgaus followed the U.S. operation that led to the killing of Qasem Soleimani, head of Iran’s Quds Force. She says she believed Washington had a historic chance to increase pressure on Tehran at the time.

She adds: "I felt disappointment when I saw the Biden administration squander that opportunity."

When Israel killed Hezbollah’s secretary-general Hassan Nasrallah in 2024, Ortsgaus saw a parallel to that moment.

She says: "I thought to myself: We cannot waste this opportunity."

For her, the opportunity wasn’t limited to militarily weakening Hezbollah—it extended to the potential to transform Lebanon itself.

Here, her Lebanese acquaintances entered the scene, as she says they were "extremely enthusiastic about the prospect of peace, perhaps even normalization," especially because "the monster was removed in such a dramatic way by the Israelis."

Ortsgaus sees the situation as exceptional. For decades, Hezbollah was the dominant military force in southern Lebanon, and Iran used it as one of its most important regional proxies. But the political equation suddenly looked different.

She says: "Hezbollah was a massive problem. Clearly, it poses a security threat, but Lebanon is far bigger than just Hezbollah."

She describes Lebanon as a complex, divided society among Christians, Sunnis, and Shiites, each with its own political history and relationship to "Hezbollah."

She believes the group consolidated its influence in southern Lebanon not only through weapons but also by filling the void left by the state.

She says: "If you were a mother in southern Lebanon, this entity was the one providing healthcare, infrastructure, and education for your children."

She adds that the Lebanese government "completely abandoned its responsibilities."

Rebuilding the South and the Financing Challenge

After the war and the weakening of Hezbollah, Ortsgaus saw an opportunity for the Lebanese state to reclaim some of that space—politically, economically, and militarily—in due course.

But, according to her, the problem lies in financing.

Lebanon emerges from years of economic crisis, Syria faces massive reconstruction needs, and Gaza will require billions in aid.

Thus, southern Lebanon might appear to potential Gulf donors as yet another large bill.

There is a second issue: Why spend billions rebuilding southern Lebanon if Hezbollah will eventually return?

Ortsgaus calls this a "chicken-and-egg problem."

The Lebanese government needs resources to replace Hezbollah, but potential donors need assurances that the group won’t reclaim what is rebuilt.

Ortsgaus believes the most important audience for any future peace agreement between Israel and Lebanon may be Lebanon’s Shiite community.

She poses the question: "The $1 billion question is: How do we make Shiites understand that their lives would be vastly better through normal relations with Israel, rather than continuing decades of dependence on Iran?"

She doesn’t see the alternative necessarily being a U.S. security guarantee or a new package of international aid, but the possibility of normal relations with the closest neighbor.

She says: "Israel and Lebanon are neighboring countries. If there are two parties meant to live in peace, they are these two."

"Building Trust" Between Israelis and Lebanese

Ortsgaus says the most crucial part of her efforts wasn’t a summit or a secret meeting, but a series of small gatherings held in a room in southern Lebanon during her tenure as deputy special presidential envoy for the Middle East under Trump and her personal envoy to Lebanon.

After Israel released five Lebanese prisoners in March 2025, Ortsgaus decided the next step should be building trust.

She revived a military mechanism established after the cessation of hostilities in November 2024 between Israel and "Hezbollah," following more than a year of fighting.

The meetings were intentionally small, bringing Israeli and Lebanese officers face to face in the same room.

Ortsgaus pushed for regular sessions, jokingly describing herself as the "annoying teacher" who forced everyone to attend class.

She recalls saying: "Listen, I don’t care if I have to kill myself to do this, but I’ll take a plane, and every two weeks I’ll be here, and we’ll all sit together here."

According to Ortsgaus, the goal was simple: for Israelis and Lebanese to see each other as "human beings."

She says: "To share the same coffee, to look each other in the eye, to realize your neighbor isn’t the monster."

In one instance, an Israeli officer told the Lebanese delegation he lived just 15 minutes away from Lebanon, and his children and family were there.

Ortsgaus sees this observation reflecting the reality of the Israeli-Lebanese relationship: two societies living extremely close, yet knowing very little about each other.

These meetings ultimately helped transition to civilian negotiations.

She says: "We didn’t create peace, but I believe we put something on track. We removed the stigma attached to Israelis and Lebanese sitting in the same room and speaking directly to each other."

Generational Divide Across the Border

Ortsgaus points to a generational divide on both sides of the border.

An Israeli aged 20 was born roughly around the time of the 2006 Lebanon War and grew up knowing Lebanon primarily through the threat posed by "Hezbollah."

She says the same applies on the Lebanese side: "If you’re 18 or 20 in Lebanon, what do you know about Israel, except the propaganda you see on Al Jazeera and elsewhere?"

She sees social media as an unexpected diplomatic tool.

Israelis and Lebanese already interact abroad and discover shared interests, culture, food, and humor.

But, according to Ortsgaus, these interactions remain largely confined to elites.

She calls for bringing this engagement to ordinary people, especially those living near the border.

She says: "These communities are the most important and sensitive for understanding why peace would benefit them."

Ultimately, she hopes to see Israelis drinking coffee in Beirut and Lebanese visiting Tel Aviv.

Criticism of the Israeli Approach

When asked about mistakes made by the Israeli government, Ortsgaus paused before saying Israel initially viewed Lebanon through too tactical a lens.

She says: "There was so much happening in Gaza. Israel was fighting a war on seven fronts."

According to Ortsgaus, the Israeli approach consequently focused on individual Hezbollah threats, such as: "Where is Hezbollah moving weapons? Where are they? What’s buried under a house? Is there a tunnel there?"

She says these questions were necessary for Israel’s security, but they didn’t constitute a broader strategy toward Lebanon.

She recalls: "I was like a fan holding colored balls, trying to convince Israeli officials that there was a historic opportunity."

She refers to the speech by Lebanese President Joseph Aoun shortly after his inauguration.

She says: "It was clear he was highly open to making history between Israel and Lebanon. He was open to a path toward peace. But with so many competing interests for the State of Israel, Lebanon was treated too tactically."

Now, she says, she feels more encouraged, pointing to current talks led by Foreign Minister Marco Rubio, U.S. Ambassador to Lebanon Michel Aoun, and other officials.

But she warns against expecting immediate results.

She notes that the "Abraham Accords" themselves took years, adding: "Everyone wants to know where this is going, where it’s headed."

Iran: "The 1,000-pound elephant in the room"

Yet Ortsgaus believes any discussion about Lebanon’s future cannot be separated from Iran.

She describes the Islamic Republic as "the 1,000-pound elephant in the room" when discussing Lebanon.

She says Hezbollah’s funds, weapons, and equipment come from Tehran, and Iran’s Revolutionary Guard has increasingly taken operational control.

For this reason, she believes disarming Hezbollah in the long run must be tied to the broader U.S. strategy toward Iran.

Yet she cautions against treating sanctions as the complete plan.

She says: "Sanctions alone don’t topple any regime. Sanctions are tactics, not strategy."

She adds: "Economic, military, and diplomatic steps must work cohesively."

She references Trump’s statement that his overarching goal was ensuring Iran does not obtain nuclear weapons during his presidency.

For Ortsgaus, the issue isn’t just about Israel; she sees Iran acquiring nuclear weapons as fundamentally altering the nature of the entire Middle East.

Her Jewish Identity and Personal Motivation

Despite strategic calculations, Ortsgaus’s approach to the region carries a deep personal dimension.

She was raised as an evangelical Christian and began her journey toward Judaism during her service in Iraq and Saudi Arabia.

While practicing her faith secretly in those closed societies, she began openly displaying her Jewish identity starting October 7, 2023.

She wears Jewish symbols—necklace, ring, bracelet—wherever she goes, even during official meetings in Beirut with top Lebanese government officials.

She insists this is not a political statement, saying: "It’s about my daughter."

Her daughter recently started her first year in kindergarten, and Ortsgaus says events of October 7 changed how she thinks about raising a Jewish child.

She adds: "I want her to grow up knowing we are proud to be Jewish."

Ortsgaus carries this message into diplomatic meetings, including in countries where declaring Jewish identity publicly might carry different implications.

She says: "I will live proudly Jewish, and I will die proudly Jewish."

Remembering Lindsey Graham

Another personal motivation behind Ortsgaus’s continued diplomatic work in the region is the memory of Senator Lindsey Graham.

Graham, a longtime supporter of Israel and a prominent voice in U.S. foreign policy, was a close friend and mentor to Ortsgaus.

She says: "His belief in the U.S.-Israel alliance was a deep, fundamental conviction. It wasn’t about voter opinion."

Ortsgaus traveled with Graham to Saudi Arabia and Israel as part of efforts to advance quiet negotiations between Riyadh and Jerusalem.

Later, he brought her to Lebanon, where, according to her account, he was among the first prominent American politicians to recognize the potential for a deeper relationship between the U.S. and Lebanon, including a defense agreement in the long term.

Their last conversation occurred just hours before his death.

They discussed Iran, Saudi Arabia, Israel, and Lebanon.

Ortsgaus says he was optimistic.

She recalls: "He died, as I say, in his final moments... holding hope. He believed this would happen."

Graham had also told her a phrase she will never forget: "You must carry on the mission."

Ortsgaus says that is exactly what she intends to do.

"Lebanon Is a Beautiful Place"

Ortsgaus hasn’t returned to Beirut since December, and she misses it.

Her description of Lebanon stands out given her professional career centered largely on one of the country’s most difficult security issues.

She says: "It’s a beautiful place. It’s a historic place."

She speaks of food, hospitality, nightlife, and the resilience of the Lebanese people.

She says: "They’ve endured a terrible share of wars and economic disasters. Yet everyone in Lebanon still keeps their smile."

Ortsgaus hopes that one day Israelis and Lebanese can visit each other freely, without fear, without Hezbollah or Iran casting shadows over every interaction.

She doesn’t want this moment to belong to the next generation.

Instead, she hopes it happens now.

She says: "I don’t think we’ll be having this conversation 20 years from now."

Source: "Jerusalem Post"