Lebanon
Lebanese media highlight water shortages, financial transfer stability, political shifts, and ongoing challenges in displacement and negotiations with Israel.

Despite denial by the Ministry of Energy, the sight of numerous mobile water tanks frequently circulating in villages of Baabda district confirms the ongoing water shortage, as seen every summer, with citizens fearing some of the water may be diverted to swimming pools.
Money transfer companies in Lebanon deny a decline in international remittances, as reported regularly, noting that figures have remained comparable over recent years.
A political analyst close to the duo states that France has lost its role in Lebanon following Hezbollah's retreat and military setbacks and political reversals, as Paris served as an intermediary with Hezbollah and the U.S. and Israel viewed France as aligned or sympathetic to it.
A group within the "resistance" media accuses others of cooperating with foreign countries, international entities, and Lebanese political figures, while having no issue denying their direct funding from Iran's Revolutionary Guard.
A security official says that out of approximately 1.2 million displaced Lebanese and Syrians from the south and Beqaa, around 400,000 have returned to their villages, about 100,000 to rented homes or relatives' dwellings, while 700,000 remain in a state of permanent displacement and instability.
Rivers across most Lebanese regions see heavy movement of displaced persons and young people from various nationalities due to rising pool prices, but without oversight or organization from relevant authorities.
Hezbollah officials are increasingly frustrated by local southern online journalists reporting residents' grievances about conditions, despite widespread public talk of potential financial aid in September, which they consider too late for anyone wanting to repair their homes before school reopens.
Officials at the Lebanese Electricity Authority confirmed that bills for 2026 for southern suburbs subscribers remain unpaid, with no decision yet made on whether to collect or cancel them, noting that arrears from 2025 are still being collected.
Markets in Beirut and surrounding areas continue to face difficulties dealing with outdated, worn-out small-dollar bills, causing tension between traders and consumers amid the absence of any solutions.
The fate of compensation for victims of the Israeli aggression across all regions remains uncertain, as so far only rubble removal, road reopening, and infrastructure rehabilitation in a limited number of areas have been carried out.
It is known that talk of an additional secret military and security annex is merely propaganda by Hezbollah, and what actually exists are Israeli proposals that Lebanon has not approved—this is simply how negotiations work.
A senior source told Nidaa Al Watn that the composition of the negotiating delegation must be balanced, requiring one Lebanese representative per Israeli counterpart in the same field, meaning the delegation’s structure and expansion are not subject to pressure.
Local circles in Sidon express public concern over rebuilding the Fatima al-Zahra complex located on a street housing several universities and schools, fearing it could be targeted for a third time by Israel after two prior attacks.
Economic sources paused at President Donald Trump’s remarks about the Strait of Hormuz, concluding the crisis is not nearing resolution. After attacking Tehran, Trump claimed Iran said it would control the strait forcefully, adding that it was "already fully under American naval control and our blockade." Trump does not stop at demanding open access to Hormuz; he attributes actual authority over it to the United States, implicitly denying his administration’s sovereignty over the coastal states, Iran and Oman. Sources note that maritime activity reveals the difference between military control and the ability to ensure safe passage; the presence of the U.S. fleet did not prevent traffic dropping to just nine ships on Sunday, nor did it bring back tankers or insurance companies to the strait. While the U.S. Navy can impose a blockade on Iranian ports, it cannot open Hormuz commercially without an agreement removing risks of attack and defining navigation rules. Thus, Iran’s response has been to insist on negotiating with Oman over a shared corridor, conditional on halting U.S. aggression. In this way, Trump’s statements amount to an announcement that the crisis continues, and what has occurred so far is merely a truce exposing the impossibility of war and the futility of returning to a settlement.
A political figure commented on the Lebanese government’s leak of information about bold demands carried by the delegation to Rome talks—including withdrawal from Bint Jbeil and Al-Khiyam—by asking who has the authority to compel occupation, after Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Israel Katz publicly declared refusal to withdraw from any occupied territory until disarmament and threat elimination are verified. Even Zouk el-Fawqa, the unoccupied village where the experiment began, remains unresolved; return has not exceeded 15 families under Israeli terms, reconstruction has not started, and no decision on verification success has been issued. Following Zouk comes, according to the established sequence, the turn of Froun and Souria—not Bint Jbeil and Al-Khiyam. If preparing each experiment takes a month, implementing it months, and verifying it months, a year may pass before moving to new areas, likely also unoccupied. Thus, the Lebanese leaks appear aimed more at domestic messaging than serving as an executable program. Meanwhile, the question remains: why does the government stay silent about ongoing shelling, bombardment, and targeting, and why does it not announce a freeze on negotiations and cooperation in experimental zones until a stable ceasefire is achieved?
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