Peru Faces Political Instability with Eight Presidents in a Decade

Peru is confronting a severe political instability that has seen the country governed by eight different presidents over the past ten years. Some of these leaders held office for as little as five days. This Sunday, voters will elect the nation's ninth president.

The candidates include the conservative Keiko Fujimori, daughter of former president Alberto Fujimori who was later imprisoned for human rights violations, and the leftist Roberto Sánchez.

Observers told "Iram News" that the next president's ability to complete their term depends on three key conditions: establishing an institutional truce to reduce the frequent use of parliamentary impeachment as a political weapon, forming a broad and disciplined coalition, and pursuing constitutional and party reforms to rebalance the relationship between the presidency and Congress, which consists of both the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate.

The winner will take over from the current interim president, José María Balcázar, who assumed office earlier this year following the impeachment of former president José Chiri. Chiri's term lasted less than a year. The longest presidency in the last decade was held by Dina Boluarte, who served three years before also being removed.

Dr. Mohamed Al-Moudin, a political communication professor at the University of Cádiz in Seville and an expert in international relations, told "Iram News" that Peru is experiencing chronic instability, with eight presidents in ten years. He noted that impeaching presidents has become a common pattern rather than an exception.

Al-Moudin highlighted controversial institutional dysfunctions, such as the dissolution of parliament and the repression of protests, which reflect deeper constitutional flaws, a weak party system, and entrenched structural corruption.

The constitution contains a dual-risk mechanism: parliament can impeach the president on the vague grounds of "permanent moral incapacity," while the president has the authority to dissolve the legislature if it refuses to grant confidence to the government twice. This has turned mutual oversight into a persistent confrontation tool.

Simultaneously, Peru operates a democracy without firmly established political parties, characterized by transient figures lacking strong programs rather than stable political entities. This situation leaves presidents without a stable majority to govern against fragmented and hostile parliaments.

Structural corruption affecting much of the political elite further undermines legitimacy and normalizes extraordinary measures such as impeachments and early resignations.

Al-Moudin explained that the continuation of the "permanent moral incapacity" clause used by parliament, combined with weak parties, a fragmented congress, and a logic of escalation instead of consensus, makes any president vulnerable to impeachment or downfall at the first serious crisis.

He argued that the next president's ability to complete their term depends not only on personal qualities but also on three conditions: instituting a truce among constitutional institutions to limit the daily use of parliamentary impeachment, forming a broad and disciplined political coalition, and initiating constitutional and party reforms to rebalance the presidency-Congress relationship.

Over the past decade, eight presidents have governed Peru, each averaging a term of about one year and three months. Some resigned to avoid impeachment over corruption charges, while others were removed by parliament on unclear accusations. Notably, Manuel Merino held the presidency for less than a week in 2020 before resigning amid popular protests.

Latin America affairs researcher Reda Sweid stated that the incoming president will face the same challenges as predecessors. Since 2016, no elected president has completed their term, as the persistent conflict between the presidency and parliament has caused a deep systemic crisis.

Sweid told "Iram News" that no presidential system can govern effectively under constitutional conditions when parliament intervenes excessively and beyond its powers. This has created a chronic state of tension, exacerbated by increasing public rejection of the political class.

The Chamber of Deputies, the main parliamentary body, shows no political renewal. In the last electoral cycle, only 24 out of 130 deputies were re-elected. This has led presidential candidates to propose solutions for the expected scenario of early terminations and impeachments.

According to Sweid, leftist Roberto Sánchez advocates electing a constituent assembly to create a new political system, while conservative Keiko Fujimori proposes governing through technocratic experts, a strategy Sweid considers an unrealistic avoidance of political confrontation.

Any future president will need parliamentary cooperation, requiring intensified efforts with the legislative council, especially with the return of the Senate alongside the deputies. Neither leading candidate holds a majority in either chamber.

Sweid concluded that the political life for the winning candidate will not be easy, especially as South America faces a changing political environment following the Trump administration's policy document calling for increased intervention in Latin American countries' political affairs.