Power Struggle in Iran: Kharaazi Reveals Secrets of Mojtaba Khamenei's Office

Iranian cleric and general secretary of "Hezbollah Iran," Mohammad Bagher Kharaazi, has sparked widespread debate after claiming there are internal disagreements within the circle surrounding Iranian Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei, asserting that the transition period following the death of former leader Ali Khamenei witnessed a reorganization of the leadership office and emerging power struggles between prominent individuals and factions.

These revelations come amid a series of statements made by Kharaazi in recent days, discussing internal issues related to state institutions, including the presidency, the Supreme National Security Council, and foreign negotiations. However, many of these allegations have not been independently verified, while some official bodies have denied several of them.

Reorganization of the Leadership Office

Kharaazi stated that Mojtaba Khamenei, who became the third Iranian Supreme Leader, established a new office distinct from his father Ali Khamenei’s, and that the reorganization involved a broad review of the office’s composition and the removal of certain figures who had held influence in previous years.

He claimed only a limited number of personnel from the former Supreme Leader’s office would remain in their positions, while others would be asked to leave—indicating an internal restructuring within the most powerful institution in Iran’s political system.

No official information has confirmed such changes or revealed details about the composition of Mojtaba Khamenei’s new office.

Criticisms of Figures Close to Ali Khamenei’s Office

In his statements, Kharaazi criticized several individuals associated with the office of the former Supreme Leader, specifically mentioning officials he believes held significant influence during Ali Khamenei’s tenure.

He also spoke of longstanding conflicts within the leadership office, claiming some figures opposed Mojtaba Khamenei’s rise or played a role in sidelining him from key decision-making circles in recent years.

Among his claims was the existence of tensions between Mojtaba Khamenei and certain officials close to his father, as well as a struggle for influence within what is known as the "House of Leadership"—a term used in Iran to refer to the political and security circle surrounding the Supreme Leader.

Power Struggle After Leadership Transition

Observers believe Kharaazi’s statements reflect growing discussions about the future structure of power in Iran following the leadership transition, as the Supreme Leader’s office remains one of the most critical centers of power controlling security, political, and strategic affairs.

The issue of succession after Ali Khamenei, who died on February 28 of last year due to U.S. and Israeli strikes on his residence in Tehran, has drawn wide attention both inside and outside Iran, particularly regarding the nature of Mojtaba Khamenei’s role and his ability to manage the network of influence built during his father’s era.

Mojtaba More Hardline Than His Father

In this context, Kharaazi emphasized the existence of different currents within the leadership institution, claiming some figures seek to preserve their influence, while a new faction attempts to reshape decision-making centers.

Yet Kharaazi insists he is not detached from decision-making circles, stating he has known Mojtaba Khamenei for nearly four decades and has engaged in private meetings and conversations with him.

In other video clips, Kharaazi detailed alleged internal conflicts within the former office of Ali Khamenei, claiming it was "extremely corrupt," and that the most influential figure in that office, Akbar Hashemi, had kept Mojtaba Khamenei away from his father’s office for three years.

He also accused, without providing evidence, the former aide to the Supreme Leader, Haidar Hakaniyan, of having ties to the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).

In further details, Kharaazi emphasized his long-standing relationship with the Khamenei family, stating he has been "Mojtaba Khamenei’s friend for 40 years" and has held "important private sessions" with him.

He said that if he did not have a "special relationship" with Ali Khamenei and Mojtaba Khamenei, they would never have allowed the continued existence of the "Hezbollah Iran" organization.

Regarding the current Supreme Leader, he said: "God chose our Hajj Mojtaba for us," adding that his ideas and manner of dealing with issues are "far more hardline" than his father’s.

Kharaazi also leveled accusations against other figures linked to the leadership office; he described Moudi Fazaeli, a member of the office responsible for preserving and disseminating Ali Khamenei’s legacy, as a supporter of the hardline leftist current, and accused others in the office of backing Hossein Ali Montazeri, the former deputy Supreme Leader dismissed in the 1980s.

He also attacked Alireza Morandi, the former physician of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, accusing him of corruption due to his population policies. Kharaazi added that there was an "security breach" within the former Supreme Leader’s office, attributing this claim to Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, without offering any proof.

Reciprocal Accusations Over Influence Within the Institution

Kharaazi did not limit himself to speaking about conflicts within the leadership office but also accused certain former figures in the Supreme Leader’s circle of holding undisclosed influence and raised allegations about internal breaches or power struggles.

He also spoke of so-called "security vulnerabilities" within the former office, linking them to disputes between different centers within the system.

Why Did Kharaazi’s Statements Attract Attention?

The significance of Kharaazi’s statements lies in the fact that he does not present himself as a distant figure from governance circles but rather relies on his familial and political connections—he is related by blood to the Khamenei family and belongs to a well-known religious and political family in Iran.

However, critics argue these connections do not necessarily mean he possesses reliable information about internal decisions, especially since some of his past statements have been denied by official institutions.

Conversely, some analysts believe merely raising these narratives publicly reflects internal debates about the future form of leadership and power balances within the Iranian system.

Mojtaba Zarei, a Tehran-based member of the Iranian Parliament, took a more confrontational stance, writing directly to Kharaazi that if the prosecutor decides to arrest and try him, and a sentence of flogging is issued, he would "be ready to carry out the punishment himself with pride." He added that criticizing officials—even the Supreme Leader—is acceptable, but "manufacturing a bomb of sedition" during wartime is unacceptable.

In contrast, conservative hardliner MP Homayoun Rasaei mocked Kharaazi’s statements sarcastically, suggesting Kharaazi should resign again, "to clarify whether Kharaazi is sincere in his claims or not." Meanwhile, MP Ali Reza Nowin criticized Kharaazi from another angle, calling him an example of the phenomenon of "pseudo-insiders," referring to individuals who claim access to exclusive information or direct links to decision-making centers to gain influence and fame.

Nowin called on judicial authorities to hold Kharaazi accountable and demand he provide evidence and documents proving the accuracy of his allegations, especially since his statements included sensitive information attributed to high-ranking state figures and institutions.

The conservative newspaper "Jomhuri-ye Eslami" also entered the criticism, describing Kharaazi as a "person known for bad reputation" and labeling his claims about Beshki’s resignation as "fabrications" and "against national interest." The paper urged judicial authorities to take firm action against those making such allegations.

In a later comment, the newspaper stated Kharaazi’s remarks should not be treated as "ordinary incidents," arguing that certain factions move when negotiations approach points that could lead to de-escalation, stability, and reduced chances of war.

The paper went further, claiming Kharaazi’s statements about the president’s resignation were part of efforts to obstruct agreements on managing the Strait of Hormuz.

Who Is Kharaazi?

Despite the current controversy, Mohammad Bagher Kharaazi is no newcomer to Iranian politics. Born on July 7, 1961, in Qom, he is the son of Ayatollah Mohsen Kharaazi, a member of the Assembly of Experts and a prominent religious figure in the Qom seminary.

His brother, Sadeq Kharaazi, is a former Iranian diplomat who served as Iran’s ambassador to France and also represented Iran at the United Nations, while his uncle, Kamal Kharaazi, was Iran’s foreign minister during the presidency of former leader Mohammad Khatami, who died in the recent war due to Israeli strikes.

Additionally, his sister is married to Masoud Khamenei, one of the sons of the current Supreme Leader’s brother, giving Kharaazi a direct familial link to the Khamenei family.

Since the 1990s, Kharaazi has held the position of general secretary of the "Hezbollah Iran" organization and has founded and managed several religious and seminary centers.