Sudanese Army Welcomes Defectors Amid Ongoing Conflict and Foreign Involvement

Sudanese army commander and head of the Sovereignty Council, Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, recently welcomed the defection of former Rapid Support Forces (RSF) commander Al-Nour Ahmed Adam, also known as Al-Nour Al-Qabba, marking one of the most prominent splits in Sudan’s ongoing war. This was followed weeks later by another high-ranking RSF commander, Ali Abdullah Rizq Allah, known as "Al-Savana," joining the Sudanese army ranks.

The conflict has long divided Sudan into fiercely contested zones of control. The Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) maintain authority over Khartoum, Port Sudan, and large parts of eastern and central Sudan, while the opposing RSF militias dominate extensive areas in western Sudan, particularly in Darfur and the city of El Fasher.

Defections and Accountability Concerns

Since the outbreak of war in 2023, Abdel Fattah al-Burhan has sought to recruit defectors from the RSF, offering a general amnesty to militia fighters who surrender their weapons. However, Human Rights Watch has documented serious crimes committed by RSF forces under General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo during their control of El Fasher in October 2025, though it remains unconfirmed if the amnesty applies to recent defectors.

Mohamed Osman, a Sudan expert at Human Rights Watch, emphasized that changing allegiance should not grant impunity. He stated, "Those who commit serious crimes should not receive amnesty from punishment simply for switching loyalty," adding that victims have a right to justice.

Internal Tensions Within the Rapid Support Forces

Recent defections may reflect escalating tensions inside the RSF, according to conflict monitors at the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED). The organization noted "fractures in core alliances within the RSF militia," attributing this to dwindling resources and increased competition over remaining war spoils.

These defections and transfers to the Sudanese army occur while the RSF continues to rely on external support. Although frontlines stretch across Sudan, the connections sustaining the conflict extend beyond the country’s borders.

Foreign Backers of Sudanese Forces

Experts identify countries such as the United Arab Emirates, Ethiopia, Libya, Chad, and Kenya as supporters of the RSF. Meanwhile, the Sudanese army, which also faces accusations from human rights activists, reportedly receives backing from Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Eritrea. There are also suspicions that another undisclosed actor has provided military assistance to Sudan’s regular army.

United Arab Emirates’ Alleged Role

The United Arab Emirates (UAE) has been frequently mentioned in this context. According to U.S. intelligence agencies cited in a Wall Street Journal report, Abu Dhabi supplied the RSF with Chinese drones, light weapons, heavy machine guns, artillery, mortars, and ammunition. Cameron Hudson, former chief of staff to U.S. special presidential envoys to Sudan, told the Wall Street Journal months ago, "Without the UAE, the war would have ended. The only thing keeping the RSF alive in this war is the massive support it receives from the UAE."

Additionally, Amnesty International in 2025 found evidence suggesting that weapons shipments to the RSF were "very likely" from the UAE. The UAE consistently denies these allegations. At the time, Salem Al-Jabri, Minister of State for Security and Military Affairs, declared, "Amnesty International’s claims are baseless and lack credible evidence."

Colombian Mercenaries in Sudan

Accusations against the UAE have expanded beyond arms and logistical support to the RSF. In late May, Human Rights Watch published an 83-page report titled "From Bogotá to El Fasher," detailing the recruitment of hundreds of Colombian mercenaries since 2024. According to the report, recruitment was conducted by Global Security Services Group (GSSG), a security company based in Abu Dhabi, which then deployed these mercenaries to fight alongside the RSF.

Joy Schia from Human Rights Watch told the American political magazine Democracy Now that the Colombian mercenaries were not cautious on social media. Through TikTok accounts and other publicly available content, the organization gathered extensive information and identified their locations at UAE military bases before deployment to Sudan.

Why Colombian Fighters?

Human Rights Watch interviewed two Colombian military contractors sent to Sudan, a former GSSG employee, residents of El Fasher, and other sources. The organization also analyzed company records, official documents, photos, and videos showing Colombian fighters with RSF units in Sudan. Additional images and footage document their training at UAE military facilities.

Joy Schia stated, "Our investigation shows that GSSG, based in Abu Dhabi, apparently recruited hundreds of Colombian fighters who then fought alongside the RSF, an armed group accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity." The report explains that former Colombian soldiers are attractive recruits due to their extensive combat experience and frequent training with U.S. weapons. Human Rights Watch traces this relationship back to 2011, when the UAE reportedly began forming a unit comprising hundreds of foreign fighters, including Colombians.

Schia added that the UAE’s role in funding, arming, and providing military support to the RSF has been repeatedly documented. "Yet neither the European Union, the United States, nor Britain has publicly criticized the UAE for this," she said.

Recently, the Conflict Insights Group, specializing in security analysis, tracked Colombian fighters in Darfur through mobile phone data. Their investigation led to locations including a military facility in the UAE’s Ghayathi city. These fighters are believed to be part of a unit called the "Desert Wolves," commanded by retired Colombian Colonel Álvaro Quiñano, who is sanctioned by the U.S. and Britain for recruiting Colombian fighters for Sudan.

Within this framework, the UAE denies supporting the RSF and asserts it calls for an "immediate ceasefire" and does not envision "a future for Sudan under military rule," as stated by Anwar Mohammed Gargash, an adviser to the UAE president, to Reuters at the end of 2025.

Human Cost of the Conflict in El Fasher

The recent RSF defections, repeated accusations against the UAE, and investigations into Colombian mercenaries illustrate the conflict’s extensive reach beyond frontline battles. However, this does not alter the reality for Sudan’s affected populations, who remain the primary victims of the war.

Human rights organizations have documented mass killings and severe violations against civilians in El Fasher. A subsequent United Nations investigative mission described events there as bearing "characteristics of genocide."

Relief agencies characterize the situation in Sudan as the world’s largest displacement and refugee crisis. Approximately twelve million people have been displaced, with nearly twenty million suffering from acute food insecurity. The death toll in El Fasher alone is estimated to have reached seventy thousand. The World Food Programme describes Sudan’s situation as the worst hunger crisis globally.